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| **Abstract** | **Abstract** | ||
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| + | A crucial component of language acquisition involves | ||
| + | organizing words into grammatical categories and discovering | ||
| + | relations between them. Many studies have argued that | ||
| + | phonological or semantic cues or multiple correlated cues are | ||
| + | required for learning. Here we examine how distributional | ||
| + | variables will shift learners from forming a category of lexical | ||
| + | items to maintaining lexical specificity. In a series of | ||
| + | artificial language learning experiments, | ||
| + | distributional variables to category structure and test how | ||
| + | adult learners use this information to inform their hypotheses | ||
| + | about categorization. Our results show that learners are | ||
| + | sensitive to the contexts in which each word occurs, the | ||
| + | overlap in contexts across words, the non-overlap of contexts | ||
| + | (or systematic gaps), and the size of the data set. These | ||
| + | variables taken together determine whether learners fully | ||
| + | generalize or preserve lexical specificity. | ||
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| + | ---- | ||
| + | **Introduction** | ||
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| + | \\ | ||
| + | Language acquisition crucially involves finding the | ||
| + | grammatical categories of words in the input. The | ||
| + | organization of elements into categories, and the | ||
| + | generalization of patterns from some seen element | ||
| + | combinations to novel ones, account for important aspects | ||
| + | of the expansion of linguistic knowledge in early stages of | ||
| + | language acquisition. One hypothesis of how learners | ||
| + | approach the problem of categorization is that the categories | ||
| + | (but not their contents) are innately specified prior to | ||
| + | experiencing any linguistic input, with the assignment of | ||
| + | tokens to categories accomplished with minimal exposure. | ||
| + | A second possibility is that the categories are formed around | ||
| + | a semantic definition. A third hypothesis, explored in the | ||
| + | present research, is that the distributional information in the | ||
| + | environment is sufficient (along with a set of learning | ||
| + | biases) to extract the categorical structure of natural | ||
| + | language. While it is likely that each of these sources of | ||
| + | evidence makes important contributions to language | ||
| + | acquisition, | ||
| + | learning has often been thought to be an unlikely | ||
| + | contributor, | ||
| + | young children and the complexity of the computational | ||
| + | processes that would be entailed. | ||
| + | \\ | ||
| + | \\ | ||
| + | Furthermore, | ||
| + | such a distributional learning mechanism because the cues | ||
| + | to category structure in natural languages are highly | ||
| + | correlated. In fact, it has been argued in many artificial | ||
| + | language studies that the formation of linguistic categories | ||
| + | (e.g., noun, verb) depends crucially on some perceptual | ||
| + | property linking items within the category (Braine, 1987). | ||
| + | This perceptual similarity relation might arise from identity | ||
| + | or repetition of elements in grammatical sequences, or a | ||
| + | phonological or semantic cue identifying words across | ||
| + | different sentences as similar to one another (for example, | ||
| + | words ending in –a are feminine, or words referring to | ||
| + | concrete objects are nouns). Learners of artificial languages | ||
| + | have been unable to acquire grammatical categories and to | ||
| + | extend their linguistic contexts to new items correctly | ||
| + | without such cues (Braine et al., 1990; Frigo & McDonald, | ||
| + | 1998; Gomez & Gerken, 2000). However, this has been | ||
| + | somewhat of a puzzle: Maratsos & Chalkley (1980) argued | ||
| + | that in natural languages, grammatical categories do not | ||
| + | have reliable phonological or semantic cues; rather, learners | ||
| + | must utilize distributional cues about the linguistic contexts | ||
| + | in which words occur to acquire such categories. Mintz, | ||
| + | Newport & Bever (2002), as well as several other | ||
| + | researchers, | ||
| + | utilizing distributional contexts can form elementary | ||
| + | linguistic categories on corpora of mothers’ speech to young | ||
| + | children from the CHILDES database, and Mintz (2002) and | ||
| + | Gerken et al. (2005) have shown that both adults and infants | ||
| + | can learn a simple version of this paradigm in the | ||
| + | laboratory, at least when there are multiple correlated | ||
| + | distributional cues. In the present series of experiments we | ||
| + | also begin by demonstrating that there are distributional | ||
| + | properties that lead to successful learning of linguistic | ||
| + | categories in artificial language paradigms. Importantly, | ||
| + | however, in order to understand how this mechanism works | ||
| + | in human learners and why many previous experiments have | ||
| + | not found such learning, we present a series of experiments | ||
| + | that manipulate various aspects of these distributional | ||
| + | variables, in order to understand the computational | ||
| + | requirements for successful category learning. | ||
| + | \\ | ||
| + | \\ | ||
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